But if he says he is angry and shows no evidence facially, you are suspicious. If the reverse occurs and he looks angry but doesn't mention anger feelings in his words, you doubt the words but not the anger; you wonder why he doesn't admit how he feels. They may more simply tell you that someone is upset, but not whether the upset feeling is anger, fear, disgust, or sadness. The clarity and precision of these other sources of emotion messages remains to be studied.

We do know that the face is a primary, clear, and precise signal system for the expression of the specific emotions. With two channels-the auditory and visual-transmitting information from seven sources, communication is a barrage. The speaker sends out a barrage of signals and may not carefully attend to or employ all of them in an optimal fashion, and the listener is barraged and may not attend to all the signals available.

With the visual channel, people focus more on the face than on the other sources; facial expressions are tuned more than body move- ments, and people look at faces more than body movements. But the audi- tory channel, in particular the words, usually receives the most attention, both from speaker and listener, because here can be transmitted the richest and most varied information about everything but emotion.

You can miss important information about emotions in the face, then, because it is competing with these other information sources, and it may be somewhat handicapped in its bid for attention. Even if you focused as much on facial expressions as on words, the words would receive more attention because they always reach us, while one has to look to see a facial expression. The face is, nevertheless, of more importance than words for transmitting information about emotion.

Controlling the Face Facial expression may be controlled or uncontrolled. The problem is to tell which is which.

Suppose someone has an emotional experience-something happens, let us say, to make him afraid. If an expression of fear comes over his face, it will have done so automatically. The person does not think about how to move his facial muscles to look afraid; the fear expression is involuntary.

But there may be interference, dictated either by longstanding well-ingrained habit or by deliberate, self-conscious choice of the moment. The interference may be minor, only qualifying or modulating the expression, or major, inter- rupting or totally inhibiting the expression. The facial expression of fear would be qualified if the person added to the fear expression a bit of a smile, showing that he can "grin and bear it. Not only can facial expressions be inter- fered with, but people can simulate emotion expressions, attempting to cre- ate the impression that they feel an emotion when they are not experiencing it at all.

A person may show an expression that looks like fear when in fact he feels nothing, or feels sadness or some other emotion. Facial expressions of emotion are controlled for various reasons. There are social conventions about what you can show on your face, cultural dis- play rules that govern how people manage the appearance of their faces in public. For example, in the United States many little boys learn the cultural display rule, "little men do not cry or look afraid.

A child may be taught never to look angrily at his father, or never to show sadness when dis- appointed, or whatever. These display rules, whether cultural ones shared by most people or personal, individual ones, are usually so well-learned, and learned so early, that the control of the facial expression they dictate is done automatically without thinking or awareness.

Facial expressions are also controlled because of vocational need or practice. Some jobs seem to require or select people who are expert facial controllers. Anyone who is successful in such a job may need to be able to put on convincing simulations the actor, or even the salesman.

Or the requirement may be never to reveal how you actually feel the diplomat. People also control their facial expressions of emotion because it is to their advantage at a particular moment.

If a pupil cheats on an exam, he may conceal his apprehension when the proctor walks by because he doesn't want to get caught. Some of the confusion about facial expression arises, then, because the face conveys both true and false emotion messages.

There are uncontrolled, involuntary, true expressions and also qualified, modulated, or false expres- sions, with lies of omission through inhibition and lies of commission through simulation. In order to improve your understanding of facial expressions of emotion, you will have to distinguish which is which.

The first step is to learn how the actually felt emotions appear on the face Chapters 4 to 9 , for without that knowledge you can't spot the clues to facial control. Later, in Chapter 11 on "Facial Deceit," the display rules and the various manage- ment techniques will be further explained. A number of suggestions will be given about how to distinguish felt from modulated or false facial expres- sions.

Some of the clues are in the shape of the facial expression, some in its timing, others in its location in the conversational stream, and still others in how the facial expression relates to everything else the person is doing.

Elsewhere we have analyzed these studies in detail see Reference 5 at the end of this chapter. Here we will more briefly describe only those studies which are directly relevant to the information presented in this book.

This chapter should help resolve the doubts of the skeptic about the scientific basis for what is said and shown in subsequent chapters. It is also provided for those who are curious about how facial expressions of emotion are studied. Which Emotions Does the Face Show? Does the face tell us only whether someone feels pleasant or unpleasant, or does it provide more precise information, conveying which unpleasant emotion is experienced?

If the latter, how many of these specific emotions does the face show-six, eight, twelve, or what number? The typical method used to determine just which emotions can be read from the face has been to show photographs of facial expressions to observers, who are asked to say what emotion they see in each face. The observers may be given a pre- determined list of emotion words to choose from, or left to their own re- sources to reply with whatever emotion word comes to mind.

The investigator analyzes the answers of the different observers to determine what emotions they agree about in describing particular faces. He might find, for example, that 80 percent of the observers agree in describing a particular face with the word "afraid. On the basis of such results, the investigator reaches a conclusion about which emotions the face can convey. The six emotions that are the subject of this book-happiness, sadness, surprise, fear, anger, and disgust-were found by every investigator in the last thirty years who sought to determine the vocabulary of emotion terms associated with facial expressions.

There are probably other emotions con- veyed by the face-shame and excitement, for example; but these have not yet been as firmly established. Because we will be showing not only how these six emotions appear on the face, but also how thirty-three different blends of these six emotions appear, quite a large portion of the emotional reper- toire of the face will be represented.

Are Judgments of Emotion Accurate? It is not enough to determine what emotions are read from facial ex- pressions. It is also crucial to discover whether the interpretations of the observers are correct or not. When people look at someone's face and think that person is afraid, are they right or wrong? Are facial expressions an ac- curate reflection of emotional experience?

Or are the impressions gained from facial expression merely stereotypes-all agree about them, but they are wrong? To study this question the investigator must find some people whom he knows to be having a particular emotional experience.

He must take some photographs, films, or videotapes of these people and then show them to observers. If the observers' judgments of the facial expressions fit with the investigator's knowledge of the emotional experience of the persons being judged, then accuracy is established.

Most of the studies of accuracy in judging facial expression failed to provide conclusive evidence one way or another, usually because the investi- gator's knowledge of the emotional experience of the people being judged was faulty. In our analysis of the experiments conducted over the last fifty years, we did find consistent and conclusive evidence that accurate judg- ments of facial expression can be made.

Some of these studies were con- ducted in our own laboratory. In one experiment, photographs were taken of psychiatric patients when they were admitted to a mental hospital, and again when they were less upset and ready for discharge.

Untrained observers were shown these photographs and asked whether each facial expression was shown at time of admission or at time of discharge. The judgments were accurate. These same photographs were shown to another group of observers who were not told they were seeing photographs of psychiatric patients, but instead were asked to judge whether the emotion shown was pleasant or un- pleasant.

In another study, other observers were asked to judge how pleasant or unpleasant the facial expressions were, but the faces shown to them were of psychiatric trainees undergoing a stress interview. Without knowing which was which, the observers judged the facial expressions during stress as more unpleasant than the facial expressions drawn from a non- stressf ul part of the interview.

In still another experiment, observers were shown two films of college students, one taken when they had been watching a very unpleasant film of surgery, and one when they had been watching a pleasant travelogue film.

The observers accurately judged which film the college students were watching from their facial expressions.

All these studies were concerned with spontaneous facial expressions which naturally occur when a person does not deliberately try to show an emotion in his face. But what of those situations in which a person deliber- ately tries to show an emotion, to look happy or angry, etc.? Many studies have indicated that observers can accurately judge which emotion is intended when a person deliberately tries to convey an emotion through facial expression.

Are facial expressions of emotion the same for people everywhere, no matter what their background? When someone is angry, will we see the same expression on his face regardless of his race, culture, or language? Or are facial expressions a language, the meaning of which we must learn anew for each culture, just as we need to learn the verbal language? A little more than one hundred years ago, Charles Darwin see Reference 1 at the end of this chapter wrote that facial expressions of emotion are universal, not learned differently in each culture; that they are biologically determined, the product of man's evolution.

Since Darwin's time many writers have emphatically dis- agreed. Just recently, however, scientific investigations have conclusively settled this question, showing that the facial appearance of at least some emotions, those covered in this book, is indeed universal, although there are cultural differences in when these expressions are shown.

Research conducted in our laboratory played a central role in settling the dispute over whether facial expressions are universal or specific to each culture. In one experiment, stress-inducing films were shown to college stu- dents in the United States and to college students in Japan. Part of the time, each person watched the film alone and part of the time the person watched while talking about the experience with a research assistant from the person's own culture.

When in the presence of another person, however, where cultural rules about the manage- ment of facial appearance display rules would be applied, there was little correspondence between Japanese and American facial expressions. The Japanese masked their facial expressions of unpleasant feelings more than did the Americans. This study was particularly important in demonstrating what about facial expression is universal and what differs for each culture.

The universal feature is the distinctive appearance of the face for each of the primary emotions. But people in various cultures differ in what they have been taught about managing or controlling their facial expressions of emotion. In another experiment we showed photographs of the different emotion expressions to observers in the United States, Japan, Chile, Argentina, and Brazil. The ohservers in these different cultures had to choose one of the six primary emotion words for each photograph they saw.

If facial expres- sions were a language that differs from culture to culture, then a facial ex- pression said to be angry by Americans might be called disgust or fear by people in Brazil, or might not mean anything to them. Just the opposite was found. The same facial expressions were judged as showing the same emo- tions in all these countries, regardless of language or culture see Figure 2. Essentially the same experiment was carried out independently at the same Fig. Although we wished to interpret our findings as evidence that some facial expressions are universal, one loophole remained.

All the people studied had some shared visual contact, usually not directly but through the mass media. It was still possible that facial expressions might really differ in all the cultures studied, but the people might have learned, through movies, tele- vision, and picture magazines, what each other's facial expressions of emotion looked like.

Or facial expressions of emotion might be similar in all the cul- tures we studied precisely because the people had all learned how to show emotion on their face by watching the same actors in the movies or television and imitating their facial expressions.

We had not eliminated the possibility that, among people who did not have the opportunity to view mass-media portrayals of facial expressions of emotion, emotions would be shown by en- tirely different facial muscular movements. The only way to settle this ques- tion was to study visually isolated people who had no contact with the mass- media, and little if any contact with the outside world. We conducted a series of experiments in the Southeast Highlands of New Guinea, where we were able to find people who met these criteria.

Be- cause these people were in no way accustomed to taking psychological tests or participating in experiments, and because we did not know their language but had to work through translators, we had to modify our experimental pro- cedure. In other countries we had shown a single photograph of one or another of the emotion expressions and given the observer a choice among a list of emotion words.

In New Guinea, we showed the person three photographs at once, had a translator read an emotion story, such as "A person's mother died," and asked the observer to point to the photograph that fit the story. We found that these people selected the same face for the same emotion as did people in all the other cultures we had studied. There was but one ex- ception: the New Guineans failed to distinguish between the fear and surprise facial expressions.

In a related experiment, other New Guineans were told an emotion story and each was asked to show the emotion on his own face. Videotapes were taken of these intended emotion expressions, some examples of which are shown in Figure 3. Analysis of these New Guineans' facial expressions showed again that the same facial expressions were produced for the same emotions as had been found in other cultures, with the exception of fear and surprise, which were confused with each other.

Further confirmation of the universality of facial expressions was obtained by a study of another culture in West Irian, the western portion of the island of New Guinea. Karl and Eleanor Heider, who were skeptical of our evidence of universality, conducted the same experiments with people even more visually isolated than those we had studied, and they also obtained evidence of universality.

Although the appearance of the face for each of the primary emotions is common to all peoples, facial expressions do vary across cultures in at least two respects. What elicits or calls forth an emotion will usually differ; people Fig. The instruction for the top left photograph was "your friend has come and you ore happy"; for the top right "your child has died"; for the bottom left "you are angry and about to fight"; for the bottom right "you see a dead pig that has been lying there for a long time.

Also, cultures differ in the conventions people follow in attempting to control or manage the appearance of their faces in given social situations. People in two different cultures may feel sadness at the death of a loved one, but one culture may prescribe that the chief mourners mask their facial ex- pression with a mildly happy countenance. As we began to find evidence that there are some facial expressions of emotion which are universal, and before all the studies were completed, we began to investigate just what these universal facial expressions of emotion look like.

We sought to construct an Atlas of the face, which would depict photographically each of the universal facial expressions of emotion. It is this Atlas Reference 4 which forms the basis for the photographs shown in the subsequent chapters of this book.

Our first step in developing the Facial Atlas was to study what others had said about the appearance of the face for each of the primary emotions. Some writers had described which muscles were contracted in particular emotions, while others concerned themselves only with the appearance of the surface of the face.

None had systematically con- sidered all the muscles or all the consequent changes in the surface appear- ance of the face for the six primary emotions. Putting together what was written by Darwin, Duchenne, a French anatomist whom Darwin had quoted extensively, Huber Reference 7 , an American anatomist writing thirty years ago, and Plutchik Reference 9 , an American psychologist concerned with emotion, we saw part of the picture emerge.

We constructed a table which listed all the facial muscles and the six emotions, entering into the table what these men had written about which muscles were involved in what way for each emotion. There were many gaps, however, where no one had said anything about the involvement of a par- ticular muscle in a particular emotion.

Working with Silvan Tomkins Ref- erence lo , we filled in those gaps with information from our cross-cultural studies and our shared impressions. The next step was to photograph models, who were instructed to move particular facial muscles listed in the table. The completed Atlas consists of a series of photographs of these three different areas of the face, each photograph keyed to one of the six emotions.

The next obvious question was whether the Atlas is correct. Are the six emotions-happiness, sadness, anger, fear, disgust, and surprise-in actuality composed of the facial appearances listed in the Atlas? Or does the Atlas appearance of disgust actually occur with anger, and so forth? We have con- ducted four experiments on the validity of the Atlas.

Two of the experiments attempted to prove its validity by showing that measurements of the face with the Atlas corresponded with other evidence of the subjective emotional ex- perience of the persons whose faces were measured. These experiments in- vestigated the experiential validity of the Atlas. The other two experiments investigated the social validity of the Atlas. Rather than attempting to prove that the Atlas measurements correspond to the person's experience, these studies investigated whether the Atlas measure- ments can predict what observers think a person is feeling when they look at his face.

Although experiential and social validity should be related, they need not necessarily be so. We may not look to others how we actually feel, at least all the time. Thus, it was necessary to study both experiential and social validity. The studies of experiential validity drew from materials gathered in one of the cross-cultural studies of facial expressions described earlier.

College students in Japan and in the United States had individually watched pleasant and unpleasant movies while we videotaped their facial expressions. From their answers to questionnaires after the experiment, it was clear that they experienced very different emotions while watching the two films.

In describing their reactions to the travelogue, the subjects had said it was interesting and pleasant, and caused them to feel moderate happiness. In describing their re- actions to the surgical film, the subjects said they had unpleasant, disgusted, pained, fearful, sad, and surprised feelings.

If the Facial Atlas is valid, then measurements based on it should be able to distinguish between the facial expressions shown when these two different sets of emotions were experienced. All the facial muscular movements visible on the videotapes were iso- lated, their duration was measured, and they were classified in terms of the Atlas. This measurement procedure was done in slow motion, with the mea- surements made separately for the three areas of the face, by three separate technicians.

Such precise measurement required about five hours for each minute of videotaped facial behavior. The results were very clear-cut. Mea- surements with the Facial Atlas clearly distinguished the two emotional con- ditions-whether subjects had been watching a stressful film or a travelogue.

And the Atlas was equally successful with the facial expressions of Japanese subjects and with Americans, as it should be, because it was built to show the universal facial expressions of emotion. It only shows that the Atlas is correct in distinguishing between unpleasant and pleasant experiences. The second experiential validity study provided a partial remedy to this limitation.

Recent research on the physiology of emotions suggests that there are markedly different patterns of heart rate acceleration and deceleration with the emotions of surprise and disgust. Measures of heart rate and skin conductance had been gathered on the Japanese and American subjects when they were watching the pleasant and stressful films.

If the Atlas is correct in what it says a surprise face and a disgust face look like, then when the Atlas says such facial expressions occur, there should be a different pattern of heart rate for each. When we examined the changes in heart rate which coincided with facial expressions the Atlas had designated as either surprise or disgust, the results showed the predicted difference.

Although this second study does provide evidence of the validity of the Atlas for surprise and disgust, it doesn't show that the Atlas is necessarily valid in what it says about the other emotions-anger, happiness, sadness, and fear.

Logically, if it is shown to be valid for surprise and disgust, the Atlas should be equally valid for the other emotions, because it was derived by the same method for all six emotions. But evidence is still required, and for that we turn to the third study, which examined the Atlas in terms of social validity. Could the Atlas predict how observers will interpret facial expressions? Photographs that had been taken by many different investigators of facial expression were obtained.

These pictures were shown to observers, who were asked to judge which of the six emotions was shown in each picture. Only those on which the observers had agreed about the emotion expressed in the face were further considered. If the Atlas correctly depicts the ap- pearance of each of the six emotions, then measurements based on the Atlas ought to be able to predict the emotion seen by the observers in each of these photographs. The Atlas measurements were made separately for the three areas of the face by three separate technicians, and predictions were made.

With great success the Atlas predicted the emotions seen by observers when they looked at each of these photographs of facial expression. The fourth study was much like the one just described, except that here the facial expressions examined were those produced by dental and nursing students who had been instructed to attempt to show each of the six emotions by their facial expression. The problem was for the Atlas to predict for each photograph what emotion the student had been intending to show.

The measurements made with the Atlas succeeded. While we were working on these experiments, independently and un- known to us a Swedish anatomist, Carl-Herman Hjortsjo Reference 6 , was working with very different methods on the same problem. He photographed his own face as he contracted each of the facial muscles.

On the basis of his own judgment, he then described in his Atlas the appearance of the facial expressions for each emotion. When we recently met with Hjortsjo, we were all pleased to discover that there was almost com- plete overlap between his Atlas and ours. Although no one of our four experiments alone would validate the Atlas, taken together and in conjunction with the independent discovery of the same Facial Atlas by Hjortsjo, the evidence for the validity of our Atlas is much more than tentative.

Much research remains to be done to further validate and refine the Atlas; but the evidence is sufficient to share what we have already found. The information presented in the subsequent chapters about the appearance of the facial expressions is based on the Atlas and has been supported by one or more of our own experiments or by Hjortsjo's work.

The photographs show only part of what is in our Atlas. We have selected those parts which are best supported by evidence and which are most important for learning the practical skill of reading facial expressions of emotion. It is unlikely that anything shown is in error. But it is likely that we are only telling part of the story, that further research will determine additional ways in which the facial expressions of emotion can be shown.

How Are Facial Expressions Controlled? How can we tell a real facial expression of emotion from a simulated one? When a person doesn't feel the way he looks, but is attempting to mis- lead us about his feelings, is there any way to detect his real feelings in his facial expression? In short, does the face "leak"? We have been studying this problem for a number of years. We started with films of the facial expressions of psychiatric patients during interviews.

In certain interviews we knew from subsequent events that the patients had been misleading the interviewer about their feelings. Study of these films pro- vided the basis for a theory of nonverbal leakage-ways to tell, from facial ex- pression or body movement, feelings the person was attempting to conceal.

The subjects in this experiment try to convince the interviewer that the film they have seen was actually pleasant, and that they enjoyed it. Our study of these interviews is far from completed. We have yet to test many of our hypotheses about facial leakage. However, our findings to date are consistent with our hypotheses and with our earlier findings from the interviews with psychiatric patients.

It is our best judgment of what the research will prove, based on our theory and cur many hours of inspecting facial expressions of people when they are lying.

How Are the Emotions Experienced? We have not directly studied this question, and had thought in planning this book that we would be able to rely upon the scientific literature. We were disappointed to find that despite many studies of emotion and a variety of theories of emotion, relatively little attention has been paid to certain fundamental questions. What, for instance, are the different events which call forth each emotion?

What are the variations in the intensity of each emotion? How do the sensations for each emotion differ? And what are the likely ac- tivities people will engage in when they feel angry, disgusted, afraid, etc.? There were some answers, or ideas about some of these matters, for some of the emotions.

Flag for inappropriate content. Download now. Related titles. Carousel Previous Carousel Next. Jump to Page. Search inside document. Friesen Lecturer, University of California PL elle ioe Can you tell when someone who is actually afraid is trying to look angry? Can you tell when someone is feigning surprise? Te 1 Haan ab-? An expert on expression, the physiology of emotion, and interpersonal deception, he has received many honors, most notably the Distinguished Scientific Con- tribution Award of the American Psychological Association, and is the author or editor of thirteen other books.

He is a frequent consultant on emotional expression to government agencies such as the FBI, the CIA, and the ATF, to lawyers, judges, and police, and to corporations, including the animation studios Pixar and Industrial Light and Magic.

He lives in northern California. Wallace V. He is now at the University of Kentucky where his research focuses on emotion in old age. He has co-authored numerous articles on emotions and longevity in periodicals and journals such as the American Psychologist, Psychiatry, and the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storge or retrieval system, except as may be expressly permitted by the Copyright Act or in writing from the publisher. Unmasking the face.

Includes bibliographies. Facial expression. Friesen, Wallace V. C4SE38 Paul Ekman was able to start our research when he was awarded a predoctoral research fellowship from NIMH from to During military service from to Ekman and Friesen became research associates, a relationship which was later formalized when Friesen joined the project in A postdoctoral research fellowship from NIMH made it possible for Ekman to pursue the research from to Later, when the pressure of teaching seemed likely to curtail re- search, a Career Development Award from NIMH to Ekman allowed the team to continue the research from to During all these years, at each critical juncture, the late Bert Boothe, director of the Research Fel- lowship Branch, provided invaluable help, interest, and advice.

Its support allowed us to study mental patients and also has made it possible for us to work together since Lee Hough, former director of ARPA, convinced us of the importance of studying facial expression and gesture in different cultures. He helped us overcome our reluctance to try to resolve the argument over the possible universality of facial expression and gesture. When we launched our research in a remote area of New Guinea, Rowena Swanson, the monitor of the grant, found ways to solve the administrative and bureaucratic obstacles.

We are grateful to Silvan S. Tomkins for his contagious excitement about facial expression of emotion. For the past ten years, Patsy Garlan has been an invaluable help as we have approached that point in each experi- ment where the results of our work are conveyed to others.

She has always had a keen understanding of our research, has worked to make our writing lucid, and has critically examined our ideas and searched for ambiguities and contradictions. We are also grateful to our friends, colleagues, and employees who have been enthusiastic about our studies of the face and our attempts to teach others what we have learned.

Randall Harrison, John Bear, Allen Dittmann, and Stuart Miller gave many helpful suggestions about how to present this material in an understandable way. Harriett Lukes not only typed the manuscript, but was an enthusiastic first reader. Nina Honbo helped invaluably in keeping us organized and encouraging the completion of the materials. We cannot thank by name the many people who have worked on the research reported in this book; we are grateful for their fine work and for their extra efforts which gave us the time to write this book.

Our special thanks go to our friends, students, and colleagues who let us show their faces in this book. We hope that you, our readers, get to know them well. Photographs show the facial blueprints of the major emotions—how surprise, fear, anger, disgust, sadness, and happi- ness are registered by changes in the forehead, eyebrows, eyelids, cheeks, nose, lips, and chin.

Common confusions that plague the recognition of ex- pressions of emotions are clarified by pictures highlighting the differences between surprise and fear, anger and disgust, sadness and fear. The subtle- ties of facial expressions of emotion are revealed in pictures that show the family of expressions for each feeling.

Surprise, for example, is an emotion with a big family. There is not one surprise facial expression, but many—ques- tioning surprise, dumbfounded surprise, dazed surprise, slight, moderate, and extreme surprise.

The complexities of facial expressions are shown in photo- graphs of how different emotions can blend into a single facial expression to show sad-angry expressions, angry-afraid expressions, surprise-fearful ex- pressions, and so forth. Or you can use the knowledge of the blueprints of facial expression to learn about your own face, to become more aware of what your face is telling you about how you feel and what your face is telling others. The blueprints of facial expression, whether used to understand others or yourself, is then the first focus of this book.

The second focus is the feel- ings themselves. Although everyone uses the terms anger, fear, sadness, etc. For example, what is it really like to be afraid? What does it feel like in your body? What situations make you afraid? Can you always anticipate when you will be afraid? Can you be both afraid and angry at the same time? When you are afraid, do you get aggressive, withdrawn, or thoughtful?

Do you laugh fear off, or do you break out in hives? Do you ever enjoy being afraid —watching a horror movie, for example? Do other people react the same way you do when they are afraid? Does the same thing happen to their breathing? Do the same situations that make you afraid make others afraid?

There is usually one emotion, and maybe more, that you do not share openly, describing the feeling to others. In order to set up a list of libraries that te have access to, you must first login or sign up.

It features several practical exercises that help actors, teachers, salesmen, counselors, nurses, law-enforcement personnel and physicians — and everyone else who deals with people — to become adept, perceptive readers of the facial expressions of emotions. This single location in Unmaskking Log and judge sheets. Jul 09, Rolling Ideas rated it really liked it.

I sometimes read facial expressions that are at odds with what the person is saying and I was curious to see if Feiesen was reading people correctly. At the bottom is the DAS-triad, or stances. This website uses cookies to improve your experience while you navigate through the website. Out of these cookies, the cookies that are categorized as necessary are stored on your browser as they are as essential for the working of basic functionalities of the website.

We also use third-party cookies that help us analyze and understand how you use this website. These cookies will be stored in your browser only with your consent. You also have the option to opt-out of these cookies. But opting out of some of these cookies may have an effect on your browsing experience. Necessary cookies are absolutely essential for the website to function properly. This category only includes cookies that ensures basic functionalities and security features of the website.

University of Canberra Library. DAS-styles explain behaviors clearly, distinctly, and ethologically, and form the basis for the application of the DAS2-theory. Public Private login e. Aug 21, G Lassner rated it it was amazing. La Trobe University Library. Once learned, display rules operate as habits, much like driving a car.

University of Western Australia. There are no discussion topics on this book yet. For example, middle-class, urban, white, adult males in the United States follow the display rule of not showing fear in public. Return to Book Page. Although this text was meant as a textbook, it still felt dry, dense, and hard to get through.